National Democratic Institute Assesses Roma Political Participation in Future EU Members: Bulgaria, Romania, and Slovakia

07 February 2004

Introduction

Romani populations have been largely left out of political and economic transitions throughout Central and Eastern Europe, discriminated against and marginalised through poverty, social ills and, for many Romani communities, physical isolation. If Roma are to advocate for better opportunities and effective solutions, they will need to become more active participants in the political processes of their countries. This will require consistent, long-term efforts and assistance. Non-Romani political parties and leaders across the region thus far have lacked the will to encourage such participation. For their part, Romani communities have yet to produce effective political leadership. New Romani political groupings are needed to promote Romani identity while articulating and advancing their human rights through political representation.

To help in this effort, the National Democratic Institute (NDI) assessed challenges to, and opportunities for, Roma political participation in three countries slated to accede to the European Union - Bulgaria (2007), Romania (2007) and Slovakia (2004). The objective of this assessment, which took place in February and March of 2003, was to develop country profiles that Roma and others can use to craft political development strategies. Interestingly, the assessment revealed that, while diverse, Romani communities in the three countries share similar challenges to political participation.

NDI met with a wide range of Romani and non-Romani political and NGO leaders, elected and appointed government officials, as well as researchers, journalists, educators, political analysts, ordinary citizens and representatives of international organisations active in Roma-related issues. The assessment team visited the capitals, as well as other towns, villages and Romani settlements in the three countries.2 

Funded by the Open Society Institute (OSI), this project reflects the interest of both NDI and OSI to raise the issue of Romani political participation with relevant international organisations and to take the first step toward initiating strategic blueprints for Romani communities to enhance their political participation, representation and influence.


Assessment of Findings

                                                             Population Size and Identity

Roma in all three countries face numerous economic, social and political challenges that prevent them from fully integrating into society and actively taking part in politics. In all three countries, Romani children are usually segregated into lesser quality facilities, which has contributed to significantly higher illiteracy rates and thus higher unemployment and poverty rates. Following the post-communist transition, the general economic situation for most Roma (who are disproportionately employed as unskilled laborers) deteriorated even more sharply than for the general population. These disadvantages are exacerbated by the fact that many Roma do not possess proper identification documents, which represents a significant obstacle in applying for employment, qualifying for social assistance and education and, significantly, registering to vote.

The potential size of Romani voting constituencies - which is reportedly growing at a faster pace than the non-Romani population in these countries - is particularly relevant to political parties competing for parliamentary seats. The national censuses in Bulgaria, Romania and Slovakia identified the number of Roma in each country as 370,908; 535,250 and 89,920, respectively. However, NGOs and Roma political activists, researchers and social scientists, as well as international institutions, believe that official estimates of the Romani population in all three countries are significantly understated. Unofficial estimates of the Romani population in Bulgaria range from 700,000 to 900,000,3 two or three times the official count. A 1994 report by the United States Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe estimated that the Romani population in Romania exceeded 2,000,000, nearly four times the official count. Several Slovak research groups, government officials and international organisations estimate the Romani population in Slovakia at 400,000, over four times the official count. These unofficial estimates, if true, would put the Romani population at anywhere from 8 to 10 percent of the total population of these three countries.

High illiteracy rates, as well as the census pollsters' limited reach into depressed Romani communities, undoubtedly contributed to the undercounting. However, most Roma and non-Roma experts attribute a portion of the undercounting to an undocumented but widely acknowledged practice whereby many Roma deny their ethnicity to avoid the stigma of being attached to the bottom rung of the social hierarchy. While some Roma may consider themselves genuinely assimilated into society, one common belief is that many deny their ethnicity to enhance their prospects for improved socioeconomic status. 

                                                            Roma Political Experience

The early days of the post-communist period were hopeful ones for Roma in Central and Eastern Europe, but lack of political experience and differing visions among Romani activists led to a fragmentation of the newly emerged Romani movement. Many Roma oriented their interests to the non-governmental sector, where it proved easier to attract resources for projects in Romani communities.

In recent parliamentary elections, Romania's Romani Party (Partida Romilor) has maintained its monopoly on Romani representation, while in Bulgaria and Slovakia, Romani parties have attempted to wage campaigns with little success.4 The Romani parties' failure to attract a substantial percentage of the Roma vote in these two countries indicates that Roma do not necessarily vote as a bloc, nor do they necessarily support the ethnic-based parties and candidates who claim to represent them.

Political Orientation and Dependency: The NDI assessment team found that, although undeveloped and largely uninformed, Romani political orientation appears to lean to the centre-left, with a strong role for government; this is based, however, on purely anecdotal evidence with no reliable data. Nonetheless, experts in Bulgaria and Romania estimate that 70-80 percent of Roma normally support a "cradle to grave" political agenda. Polling data from the September 2002 national elections in Slovakia shows that some 60 percent of Roma are believed to have cast their ballots for the Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) party led by Vladimir Mečiar, known for his populist rhetoric about wealth redistribution and increased benefits.

Roma Political Parties and Leadership: Slovakia currently has no members of parliament who identify themselves as Romani; Bulgaria has two, only one of whom is a member of an ethnic Romani political party; and Romania has two Romani members of parliament, both from the Roma Party. The Roma Party's dominance of the Romani political scene in Romania is less attributable to broad support from the Romani population than to its relationship with the ruling Party of Social Democracy (PSD). In Romania's 2000 election, the Roma Party candidate won the single seat in parliament reserved for the Romani minority, but another Roma Party member was elected on the PSD's list of candidates as part of an electoral agreement between the two parties. Because of its victory over other Roma parties in the elections, the Roma Party now receives government subsidies, allowing it to further strengthen its network and better prepare for its next electoral campaign.

In general, Roma tend to be more politically active at the local level than at the national level. By most accounts in the three countries, Roma are exerting increasing influence in local politics. Voter turnout records and reports in Bulgaria5 indicate that Roma recognise that their political interests are best represented at the local level.

However, among the relatively few local Romani candidates elected to serve in office, almost none get re-elected. The NDI assessment team was told by Roma and non-Roma that, of the Romani mayors and local councilors recently elected in Slovakia, many were inexperienced and lacked the skills to govern. While newly elected non-Romani officials often share this inexperience, Roma are under greater pressure to prove their abilities while at the same time being disproportionately unprepared - several in Slovakia were reportedly functionally illiterate and without a secondary education.

Based on recent election results and the testimonies of Roma in all three countries, NDI concluded that Romani politicians and the establishments they represent have been largely discredited among Romani voters. After 13 years of political freedom, little evidence can be seen that Romani parties and groups have a major following among the Romani constituency they claim to represent. Politics are perceived by Romani voters to be guided by the self-interests of a few leaders. While this mirrors a general trend throughout the region, it seems particularly pronounced among Roma.

Election Campaign Experience: The NDI assessment team concluded that Romani election campaigns in all three countries have thus far been conducted at a rudimentary level. By all accounts, campaigns in the Romani community have consisted largely of, and were derided as, base appeals for votes backed up by free alcohol, "passing around money," etc. - practices common in the world's more depressed and easily manipulated communities.

Political Organising Infrastructure: Roma political organisations lack a developed infrastructure beyond a scattered handful of party leaders and activists who have little influence in the larger Romani community and official circles. The functional and structural links between national party leaders and local Romani communities are scant in Slovakia, non-existent in Bulgaria, and in Romania, they rely on the link between local Roma Party presidents, local Romani advisors to the mayors and prefects6 and the party leadership in Bucharest.

Mainstream Parties: The NDI assessment team concluded that one of the primary obstacles to Roma political participation in all three countries is the lack of an open and fair environment that encourages their active involvement in mainstream non-Romani parties. These parties are central to Roma political participation and yet, in most of the region, are ill-prepared to engage on this issue.  As noted above, the NDI assessment team found reluctance among most political parties to advocate Romani interests or associate themselves with Roma, as this is generally feared to be politically damaging.  Romani candidates who do make their way onto mainstream party lists are often placed so low as to be unelectable.

As a result, Romani views of mainstream parties were generally negative in all three countries. Typically expressed concerns were that mainstream parties manipulate the Roma vote and are dismissive of Romani community problems. Still, Romani leaders and activists in Slovakia (in contrast with Bulgaria and Romania, and with the exception of several older Roma with whom NDI met) appear to understand that an alignment with mainstream political parties is necessary to increase their political profile. While they generally have little trust in politicians, polling and election results indicate that Roma voters favor mainstream parties over their own. 

                                                            Opportunities and Assets

Several opportunities and assets the Romani community can exploit to strengthen their political involvement are mentioned below:

Electoral Reform: Governments in all three countries are likely to consider critical reforms to their electoral systems in the coming years. Reform of electoral systems, particularly at the local level, could allow for more direct representation in areas where Roma predominate. Open-list systems might also raise the electability of Romani candidates, who are typically placed low on a party's list.

Such reform could significantly brighten prospects for Romani representation in both local government and parliament. For example, Slovakia's electoral system - in which the entire country comprises a single voting district - is inherently discriminatory against Romani parties and candidates. A multi-district system in Slovakia, possibly with eight regions, could provide Roma parties and candidates greater opportunities to gain representation. Where Roma are concentrated territorially, single member districts may provide sufficient representation.

Elections: Upcoming elections in all three countries could serve as an ideal testing ground to measure the effectiveness of short-term goals to increase Roma political participation and representation. Nationwide local elections are scheduled for mid-October 2003 in Bulgaria and spring 2004 in Romania, with Romanian presidential elections in fall 2004 and parliamentary elections possibly in early 2005. Elections of Slovakia's eight regional governments are scheduled for 2005, with parliamentary and communal elections scheduled in 2006.

Romani NGOs: The NGO sector represents a tremendous asset and resource. Hundreds of Romani issues-oriented NGOs in the three countries - particularly in Bulgaria, where the non-governmental sector is the most vigorous - conduct empowerment, advocacy, monitoring and anti-discrimination initiatives to increase Roma access to education, jobs, political participation, health care, legal services, etc.

Municipal Political Representation Models: The level of Romani political representation is higher in a handful of cities and municipalities where the Romani population accounts for a sizable portion of the community. Those cities and towns with higher concentrations of Romani voters are ideal sites to develop programs to strengthen Romani political participation.

Roma Development Strategies: Government strategies to improve the condition of Roma currently exist in Bulgaria, Romania and Slovakia. These documents, outlined below, all offer a standard by which the governments may be held accountable. 

  • Bulgaria - The Framework Program for Equal Integration of Roma in Bulgarian Society ("Framework") is a policy document initiated and drafted by a broad coalition of Romani organisations and adopted by the government in 1999. It summarises an overall strategy to address challenges during the coming 10 years, in discrimination, economic development, health, education, culture, media and image and gender equality. Though the Framework has been afforded little concrete support by past governments, the current government recently drafted an anti-discrimination law in accordance with the Framework's recommendations.
     
  • Romania - The Strategy of the Government of Romania for Improving the Condition of the Roma ("Strategy") was developed under the former Romanian Democratic Convention government and adopted by the current government. The Strategy is designed to bring Romania into compliance with international standards by meeting challenges in the coming 10 years in the following categories: community development, housing, health care, economy, justice and public order, child welfare, education, culture and denominations, communication and civic involvement. 
     
  • Slovakia - In 1998, the government established the Office of the Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities, headed by a Romani person who was to act as an official liaison with the government for Romani communities. Nevertheless Slovakia, like the others, has made little progress overall in addressing the needs of Roma; in fact some international experts argue that progress has actually been reversed. Romani disaffection with the political process may well have worsened following their disappointment with the lack of an effective government response.

International Support: The international community is keenly interested in supporting efforts to enhance Romani economic, social, political and cultural life and to protect their human rights. New allies can likely be recruited in light of the urgency of the need and the implications that failure will have on the expansion of Europe and the EU's economic stability.


Recommendations

The purpose of the assessment was to recommend strategies that could be incorporated into a plan designed by Roma to increase their political participation and influence. With that in mind, NDI recommends that a Roma Political Participation Initiative in each country be designed and launched, to develop the human capacity, political mechanisms and organisational infrastructure needed to educate and mobilise a broadly defined "Roma constituency" to advance the community's interests.

NDI recommends that the Roma Political Participation Initiative have four basic, long-term objectives:

1. Develop a Cadre of Political Leaders, Managers and Activists who are trained and skilled in political organization and campaigns, as well as prepared to govern. The NDI team met some exceptionally talented, confident and articulate young Roma activists. Most were affiliated with NGOs and, in Bulgaria and Romania, were located mainly in the capital cities. The enlargement of this group must be central to any strategy to increase Roma political participation and influence. NDI recommends that this training effort concentrate on a group of up to 100 young Roma in each country and continue for at least two to three years. Over time, these trainings will produce a new generation of Roma politicians, skilled in the art of the political campaign and trained to advocate local interests, like better schools and improved roads, that will benefit Roma and non-Roma citizens alike. NDI recommends that this cadre attempt to achieve a gender balance, as young activists at numerous meetings indicated that the deficit of women activists needs to be corrected.

By grooming their best and brightest to assume the mantle of political leadership, Roma are also more likely to overcome the entrenched prejudice against them and the collective sense of inferiority evident within their own ranks. When a new generation of competent political leaders emerges, they will be better positioned to appeal to both the non-Romani and Romani communities.

2. Establish Political Structures and Mechanisms that facilitate and encourage on-going community outreach and education to develop an informed constituency and a coherent political culture. These outreach vehicles could take various forms, but some general observations and suggestions that seem appropriate in the three countries are mentioned below:

  • Town Meetings: Regular town meetings that establish open, two-way communication between a community and its Romani and non-Romani leaders would be an appropriate beginning. In advance of local elections, for example, civic groups could organise a series of educational forums to inform the public, as well as introduce newer Roma political activists and candidates trained through the initiative mentioned above.
     
  • A New Political Party? Given the disjointed and divided political environment, the lack of capacity and the public image of Roma, NDI believes that the establishment of a new Romani political party is at best premature. The conditions are poorly suited, and NDI believes that such an effort would likely fail - and, indeed, could create new rivalries and divisions among Roma - setting the Romani movement back years. Furthermore, the overarching need in the region is for all parties to become more grounded in political ideology and less formally identified by ethnicity, personality or special interests.
     
  • Roma Caucus in Parliament: NDI recommends that consideration be given to approaching Roma Members of Parliament in Bulgaria and Romania and exploring means of cooperation. One concrete proposal, for example, might be to form a Roma Caucus of 20 to 30 MPs in each Parliament, inclusive therefore of non-Roma members, which could serve as a permanent body to represent and advance Roma issues. NDI recommends that a similar caucus be created in Slovakia. Though the National Council of Slovakia has no Romani MPs, those MPs with an interest in issues affecting Roma could provide this link between the Parliament and the Romani community. The team further recommends that Romani and non-Romani MPs use intra-regional cooperation and lessons learned, providing a regional dimension with increased networking. MPs could establish best practices for enhancing the quality of life of Roma in each country. These exchanges could be tied to a central issue of concern for Roma, such as school desegregation.
  • Roma Coalition: NDI recommends that Roma consider establishing a nationwide, membership-based organisation in each country comprising politically active and like-minded individuals and NGOs, primarily representing the younger generation. Such a coalition could support the Roma Political Participation Initiative's effort to build organisational capacities within the ranks of the Romani community. Most importantly, such a structure would serve as a forum and networking vehicle to exchange ideas among newer Romani leaders and the community, to develop an informed and coherent political culture and to link like-minded Romani groups around the country - perhaps even across borders. Although circumstances could change, at this time NDI recommends that the Romani coalition of NGOs in Romania be independent of the Roma Party.

3. Put Roma Issues on the Mainstream Agenda and Broaden the Constituency to increase the quantity and quality of Roma representation in government and reach the critical mass necessary to achieve the community's public policy objectives. NDI recommends that Roma politicians seek political office not as "Romani candidates" per se, but generally speaking as candidates with a well-defined political ideology and platform (e.g., Social Democrat, Christian Democrat, Liberal) who also happen to be Roma.

Mainstream Political Parties: The role of mainstream political parties in fostering Roma participation must change. NDI recommends that non-Roma party leaders provide more encouragement to those Roma who seek to be politically active. This means making room for them on electoral lists, increasing their presence in executive bodies and stimulating policy discussion within their parties on issues related to Roma rights.  Moreover, NDI strongly urges non-Romani political leaders of these three countries to vigorously condemn all human rights abuses and to use the "bully pulpit" of their positions to promote non-discrimination. Their active engagement with Romani civic groups will allow the interests and needs of Romani communities to be understood and represented at decision-making levels. 

  • Public Opinion Research: The anecdotal information received by the NDI assessment team, while helpful in illustrating important themes, belies the apparent dearth of methodological research on Romani views in the context of political participation and representation. NDI sees public opinion research, in the form of polling and focus groups, as essential to building strategies for Romani political participation, particularly within the mainstream political parties.

4. Enhance the Roma Identity and Public Image through a combination of media outreach and training, implementation of self-help projects and recruitment of high profile Roma political candidates.

  • High-Visibility Candidates: NDI recommends that respected and articulate Roma be recruited and trained to run for highly visible public offices, particularly in cities or districts where Roma make up a significant portion of the electorate. Such a high profile candidacy, regardless of long odds, could enhance the popular image of Roma, "mainstream" Romani issues and create a national sense of purpose that incorporates Romani concerns. In other words, the short-term goal is not to win, but to gain experience and normalize the concept of Roma candidates.
  • Media: NDI recommends that current efforts to balance the press coverage of the Romani community be evaluated based on results and that these efforts be replaced or redoubled as appropriate. NDI recommends a creative and proactive approach that would provide the mainstream media with alternative news sources on Roma; train and place young Roma to work as professionals in mainstream media; and set a minimal level of minority hiring at larger media broadcast and publishing outlets.
     
  • Self-Help Programs: The NDI team visited several congested villages and settlements where the living and health conditions were particularly impoverished. Certain basic self-help programs could likely improve services and conditions, as well as give the community a sense of accomplishment and pride. Garbage clean-up, home repair, education-related job training and other projects could be organised by the community itself, in some cases without outside support. NDI recommends that emerging Roma political and civic leaders be trained in the organising skills needed to develop such programs as a means to instill a sense of purpose, accomplishment and identity in a community.


Principles to Support Roma Political Participation

As the Roma Political Participation Initiative is designed and structured, NDI recommends that it be guided by the following principles and priorities:

  • Be Comprehensive: NDI recommends that the Roma Political Participation Initiative be comprehensive, covering a wide range of political skill sets such as grassroots political organising, strategic planning, civic education, community organising, issue advocacy and governance - all well known to those institutions with relevant training experience in the emerging democracies, such as NDI.
     
  • Take a Long Term View: Assuming continued progress along a defined timeline, NDI proposes that the Roma Political Participation Initiative be sustained for at least five to seven years in each country. This term is necessary to conduct the program's development and training efforts through a local and national election campaign cycle.
     
  • Focus on the Younger Generation and Women: NDI recommends that, without being exclusionary, the younger generation (under 40) be targeted in this initiative. NDI believes that the younger generation represents both the ideal and the only viable group upon which to base the reorientation and the increase of Romani political participation, and to bring it to a coherent level. Romani women, who are discriminated against as both women and Roma, already have cross-border networks in the region, many of them funded by the Soros foundations. These networks would provide an ideal starting point for regional cooperation.
     
  • Change the Top-Down Mentality: Nothing more distorts the Romani political culture than the degree to which "informal leaders" - those who are appointed or anointed - claim to represent Romani interests without the legitimacy of having been approved by an electorate. At every opportunity, the Roma Political Participation Initiative should reinforce openness and competition and the notion that political legitimacy and the right to claim "representative" or "leader" status must be derived from the consent of those being represented.
     
  • Prioritise Local and Grassroots Development: NDI recommends focusing first on the local level, where a concerted effort to provide basic political education, organising and leadership training will inject competition into the political arena. A successful training and education campaign could begin to reorient the traditional political formulas that have poorly served the Romani population. Ideal sites to launch a sustained training and organisational effort will be cities and towns with a relatively high density of middle income and educated Roma.
     
  • Promote Existing Roma Talent: Few Romani professionals serve as government staff, including in localities with disproportionately large Roma populations. NDI recommends that the Roma Political Participation Initiative work to recruit and identify qualified Roma who could serve effectively in public administration and foreign service posts. In addition, a dialogue to encourage and assist government officials to proactively recruit and hire qualified Roma to serve their country in these professional capacities would be appropriate.
  • Prepare Roma to Govern: If Roma officials fail in their new positions, the goals of this initiative will be severely set back. In addition to developing campaign skills, NDI recommends that Roma activists and officials be trained in basic governance and public administration, legislative process, budgeting, "enterprise zone" theory, public-private economic development partnerships, negotiating and constituency relations. NDI recommends that training also include public policy theory that could underpin future policy agendas and campaign platforms.
  • Establish a Reputation for Integrity and Open Competition: Given the fragmentation among Roma, the potentially corrupting role of family and financial ties, the private deals and the public distrust that often characterize politics in the region, the Roma Political Participation Initiative must set the highest standards of professionalism, transparency and openness. The recruitment and selection of training participants will be critical to the program's integrity, public perception and success. NDI recommends that the training opportunities and selection process be publicly announced, open and competitive. NDI further recommends that neutral international sponsors and organisers take a leading role in interviewing and selecting candidates for training.
  • Incorporate International Supporters, Institutions and Experience: NDI strongly recommends that an International Donor Committee be established among those governments, multilateral institutions and NGOs willing to support the Roma Political Participation Initiative with financial, technical or political/diplomatic support, or some combination thereof. Coordinated international financial and technical support, will be needed to conduct the programme successfully.
     
  • Empower Romani Voters: Voter education and election monitoring should be adopted to investigate and correct reported abuses of the national identification card system and related voter registration issues, as well as confusion over voting procedures, all of which disenfranchise large numbers of Roma.
  • Be Judicious in Selecting Issues, Choose Winners and Show Results: There is no shortage of critical issues challenging the Roma community - all of which could make their way onto a Roma candidate's political agenda and platform. In order not to exacerbate the existing mistrust and disillusionment in the Romani community, NDI cautions against overly ambitious political agendas that will raise unachievable expectations and widen the trust gap that divides Roma leaders from their constituents.

While this report does not propose to develop a Roma political agenda, NDI offers the following recommendations that might be considered as such an agenda is prepared and evolves:

  1. Reform the electoral system to be more advantageous to Roma candidates (open lists as opposed to closed lists; mixed as opposed to purely proportional representation; and multiple districts as opposed to single district systems).
  2. Form a mixed ethnicity Roma Issues Caucus or Committee in the parliaments of all three countries, as feasible, with cross-border exchange of information.
  3. Monitor the funding, implementation and accomplishments of government initiatives, such as the Framework Program for Equal Integration in Bulgaria and the Strategy of the Government of Romania for Improving the Condition of the Roma. A number of Romani and non-Romani experts in all three countries expressed considerable concern that funds for Romani programs were being wasted or stolen. Monitoring governmental funding of Romani initiatives could be a principal focus of one or several Romani civic groups.
  4. Advocate for permanent representation on Romania's National Council for Combating Discrimination (NCCD) and develop a plan to use this potentially powerful mechanism to expose and eliminate discrimination against Roma.
  5. Introduce local-level self-help programs that could improve the quality of life for Roma and build political momentum.
  6. Examine existing tax incentive and micro-lending programs to ensure that Roma benefit proportionately, particularly where their community's poverty has made the tax benefits possible.
     

Conclusion

The problems confronting Roma are many and complex. Essential to their resolution is active, widespread participation by Roma in the political process. This requires first and foremost a more amenable political, social and economic environment; it also requires individual skills training, enhanced political organisation, and strategies that allow for political diversity among Roma while promoting collective interests.

Governments in Bulgaria, Romania and Slovakia - and indeed throughout the region - need to implement Roma development strategies in a manner that derives meaningful and measurable benefit to Romani communities in the areas of political representation, economic development, social integration and human rights protection. International organizations need to recognize that political participation is the key to Roma development, and then provide the resources and oversight to ensure that progress is made. Mainstream political parties need to incorporate Roma as voters, members, candidates and eventually among their leaders.

Given the breadth and depth of the political, social and economic obstacles facing the Roma in each of the three countries assessed, NDI believes that a broad, multi-faceted and long-term approach is needed to create meaningful political participation. The recommendations in this report represent a first step toward Romani ownership of their future through peaceful, democratic means.

 Endnotes:

  1. The article presents a summary of the major findings and recommendations of the research into Roma political participation in Bulgaria, Romania and Slovakia conducted by a team of the US-based National Democratic Institute.
  2. Assessment Team Members: Michael Brown, James Denton, Dana Diaconu, Michael Farnworth, Rachelle Horowitz, Peter Pollak, Vicki Robinson, Iulius Rostas, Rumyan Russinov, Toni Tashev and Sevdalina Voynova.  The assessment reports were prepared by James Denton. The reports can be accessed at: www.ndi.org.
  3. See for example, Jean-Pierre Liegeois. Roma, Gypsies, Travellers. Council of Europe Publishing. 1994.
  4. The “Roma Party” is not actually a party, but rather a non-governmental organisation. At the time of the assessment, no legally registered Romani political parties existed in Romania. However, Romanian law permits all national minority NGOs to participate in electoral politics. Of the politically active Romani NGOs, the Roma Party is dominant.
  5. UNDP Regional Human Development Report, 2002.
  6. The prefect is the representative of the central government in each county.  The Roma Party negotiated with the PSD the appointment of Roma advisors in the prefects’ offices, as well as Roma experts in the mayors’ offices throughout the country.

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